@ -231,7 +231,7 @@ So far, the battle reliefs of M250 were analyzed by several authors. It
is Hinkel who published the temple and gave the most detailed
description and analysis of the relief blocks to date.[^44] According to
Török, the decoration of the façades had a "historically" formulated
triumphal aspect.[^45]. Before the publication of the temple by Hinkel,
triumphal aspect.[^45] Before the publication of the temple by Hinkel,
Steffen Wenig assigned them to the reign of Aspelta because his stela
was found on the site. Wenig related the reliefs to the ones from the
B500 temple of Amun at Gebel Barkal, not knowing at that time that they
@ -293,7 +293,7 @@ under Akinidad. On the contrary, they were its allies in war with Rome.
Regarding the representations of women and children as prisoners of war,
Török found parallels in New Kingdom Egyptian (ca. 1550-1070 BC)
reliefs[^58], whereas Hinkel found parallels both in New Kingdom
reliefs, [^58] whereas Hinkel found parallels both in New Kingdom
Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian reliefs (ca. 911-609 BC).[^59] One must,
however, stress that in the case of the New Kingdom Egyptian reliefs,
the parallels are both thematic and iconographic, whereas in the case of
@ -383,7 +383,7 @@ hieroglyphs on the southern part of the temple pylon, which have thus far
not been identified with certainty.[^69] In the light of Strabo's
Geography 17. I. 54, in which he writes that when told that they should
go to Augustus, the Meroites answered they do not know who that
was[^70], one has to consider that the Roman dominated world beyond the
was, [^70] one has to consider that the Roman dominated world beyond the
province of Egypt was unknown or insufficiently known to the Meroites.
This explains the empty oval name rings on the northern part of the
temple pylon. Except for the generic *Arome* referring to Rome[^71] and
@ -447,7 +447,7 @@ same text when it states "You return having conquered Lower Egypt;
making bulls into women" (*jw=k jy.tw* *ḥ3q.n=k T3-mḥw* *jr=k k3.w m
ḥm.wt*).[^84] Bearing in mind that in the Instructions of Ankhsheshonqy
(X, 20), an Egyptian text of the Ptolemaic period (305-30 BC), bulls are
contrasted to the vulvas which should receive them[^85], we can argue
contrasted to the vulvas which should receive them, [^85] we can argue
that, in both cases, bulls stand for men, or at least masculinity, in
both the human and animal world. It is interesting that on the Triumphal
stela of Piye women from the palace of the Lower Egyptian king Nimlot
@ -542,13 +542,13 @@ depicted delivering harm to foreign women and children, at least in the
New Kingdom. The king always defeats the supposedly stronger enemy.[^98]
Although the inclusion of queen Nefertiti smiting female enemies
alongside scenes of Akhenaten smiting male enemies probably indicates
the elevation of her status during the period of his rule[^99],
the elevation of her status during the period of his rule, [^99]
Nefertiti is nevertheless not the dominant figure in such depictions;
the dominant figure remains the smiting king because of the gender of
the enemies he smites. Male enemies were considered more dangerous than
female. When a female ruler like Hatshepsut (ca. 1479-1458 BC) of the
18th Dynasty is depicted smiting or trampling male enemies, she
herself is depicted as a king -a man- and her identity is indicated by
herself is depicted as a king -- a man- - and her identity is indicated by
the accompanying text that lists her name and royal titles.[^100]
@ -638,7 +638,7 @@ have been based on an Egyptian pattern. This, then, continued into the
Meroitic period. In the second case, namely the texts dealing with
military campaigns, how gender as a frame of war operates can be
observed in the discursive feminization of enemies in Napatan texts.
Just like in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian texts[^111], enemies are
Just like in ancient Egyptian and Neo-Assyrian texts, [^111] enemies are
discursively framed as women or effemininate. This is in fact a
metaphor found in many cultures in which strength is associated with men
and weakness is associated with women. Rather than just framing the
@ -667,7 +667,7 @@ however both could also be found in burials without such associated
weapons. Nevertheless, one should not exclude the possibility that
Meroitic queens made military decisions, just like, for example, the
17th Dynasty queen Ahmose or the 18th Dynasty queen Hatshepsut in
Egypt[^113], though they probably did not fight in war. The depictions
Egypt, [^113] though they probably did not fight in war. The depictions
of Meroitic queens smiting enemies should be seen in the context of
royal ideology. Unlike Egyptian queens, who are depicted as women
smiting enemies only when these enemies are also women, both Meroitic
