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@ -316,7 +316,7 @@ Otherwise the loss of most plural marking is very marked in comparison with rela
| salt | ɔrdik |
| spear | mətsək |
**~~Table 15. The fossil affix -Vk in Dinik[^405]~~**
**~~Table 15. The fossil affix** ***-Vk*** **in Dinik[^405]~~**
[^405]: Data from Bender, “Roland Stevensons Nyimang and Dinik Lexicon.”

@ -2,7 +2,7 @@
title: "Nubian Verb Extensions and Some Nyima Correspondences"
authors: ["angelikajakobi.md"]
abstract: "Having a historical-comparative approach this paper is concerned with the reconstruction of some Proto-Nubian derivational morphemes comprising two causatives, two applicatives, and two suffixes deriving verbal plural stems, as well as a now defunct causative prefix. When discussing applicatives in the Nile Nubian languages, it is argued that they involve converbs, i.e., dependent verbs, which in Old Nubian and Nobiin are marked by the suffix *-a.* This verbal suffix is considered to be distinct from the homophonous predicate marker *-a* which occurs as a clitic on various other hosts. The paper also points out that some of the Nubian verb extensions correspond to Nyima (mostly Ama) extensions, thus providing strong evidence of the genetic relationship between Nubian and Nyima. Perhaps the most striking evidence of NubianAma relations and the coherence of the Nilo-Saharan phylum as a whole is provided by the archaic Nilo-Saharan **ɪ-.* The reflexes of this prefix in Nubian and Ama, along with the archaic Nubian prefix **m-,* which serves as verbal negation marker, supports Dimmendaals hypothesis that these languages have undergone a restructuring process from originally prefixing to predominantly suffixing languages."
keywords: ["Nubian", "comparative linguistics", "Nyima", "North Eastern Sudanic"]
keywords: ["Nubian", "comparative linguistics", "Nyima", "Northern East Sudanic"]
---
# Introduction {#1}
@ -731,7 +731,7 @@ Converbs are known from various verb-final languages of Eurasia and South Americ
The characteristic semantic, syntactic, and morphological properties of converbs in the Nile Nubian languages are first illustrated by three Nobiin examples. The converbs in (103) express a series of events, each of the transitive converbs being preceded by its acc-marked object argument. The converb *joog-j-a* additionally has an [ins]({sc})-marked adjunct *jaaw=log.* Thus, the converb(s) and the finite main verb together with their arguments and adjuncts constitute a multiclausal construction.[^115]
[^115]: Example from *Nobiiguun Kummaanchii,* p. 54.
[^115]: Example from Hashim, *Nobiiguun Kummaanchii,* p. 54.
{{< gloss "(103)" >}}
{r} **Nobiin**
@ -2240,7 +2240,7 @@ Abel, Hans. *Eine Erzählung im Dialekt von Ermenne (Nubien).* Abhandlungen der
Almkvist, Herman N. *Nubische Studien im Sudān 1877-78.* Edited by K.V. Zetterstéen. Uppsala: Almkvist & Wiksell; Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1911.
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@ -2258,11 +2258,11 @@ Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne. “Sprachliche und historische Rekonstruktionen im Ber
Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne. *The (Hi)story of Nobiin: 1000 Years of Language Change.* Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2011.
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@ -2274,7 +2274,7 @@ Comfort, Jade. “Converbs in Uncunwee (Kordofan Nubian).” In *Nuba Mountain L
Comfort, Jade. “Verbal Number in the Uncu Language (Kordofan Nubian).” *Dotawo: A Journal of Nubian Studies* 1 (2014): pp. 145163.
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Comfort, Jade & Angelika Jakobi “The Verb to give as a Verbal Extension in Uncunwee (Kordofan Nubian).” In *Afrikanische Sprachen im Fokus,* edited by Raija Kramer, Holger Tröbs & Raimund Kastenholz. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2011: pp. 2735.
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@ -2298,15 +2298,17 @@ Gerven Oei, Vincent W.J. van. “A Note on the Old Nubian Morpheme ‑ⲁ in Nom
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@ -2318,14 +2320,74 @@ Jakobi, Angelika. “The Loss of Syllable-final Proto-Nubian Consonants.” In *
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@ -520,3 +520,79 @@ This period nevertheless also reveals one significant example of simplification
* [ver]({sc}) veridical
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Rottland, Franz, and Angelika Jakobi. “Loan Word Evidence from the Nuba Mountains: Kordofan Nubian and the Nyimang Group.” *Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere,* Sondernummer (1991): pp. 249269. [BIB]
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@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
---
title: "Personal Markers in Meroitic"
authors: ["clauderilly.md"]
abstract: ""
abstract: "please provide an abstract"
keywords: ["Meroitic", "Meroe", "Kush", Napata", "pronouns", "Egyptian", "decipherment", "verbal morphology", "pronominal morphology", "person", "comparative linguistics", "Old Nubian", "Nobiin", "Andaandi", "Ama", "Nara", "Taman", "Mattokki", "Karko"]
---
@ -32,7 +32,7 @@ The present paper deals with personal markers that can be identified in Meroitic
In addition, when the situation of uttering is clear and verbal affixes are present, they often vary from one text to another and are distorted by assimilative phenomena, so that it is extremely difficult to isolate the personal markers and assign them an accurate value. For example, in funerary inscriptions, a textual category that makes up a third of the corpus, the situation of uttering is clear: These texts are prayers to the gods of the afterlife, uttered by a fictive enunciator who probably represents the funerary priest or the family of the deceased. He invokes the gods at the beginning and beseeches them in the last sentences to provide the deceased with water and food. The final verb is expectedly a optative or imperative form. It is not preceded by a 2nd person plural pronoun, but it includes a prefixed element *pso-, psi-* (or many other variants) and two suffixes. The first is *-x* or *-xe* (“verbal dative”) and is located immediately after the verbal stem. The second suffix is a compound *-kte, -kete, -ketese, -kese,* which can be reduced to *-te* as a result of assimilation with the first suffix. Until Fritz Hintze published his *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* no scholar managed to find which of these complex affixes marked the person of the verb. Thanks to his morphological study of the verb in funerary benedictions,[^2] it is now clear that the final compound suffix is the marker of the 2nd person plural on the verb. Further analyses of old data can provide better insights into other personal markers, particularly the 3rd person singular and plural pronouns and possibly the first person singular subject marker, as can be seen in the following sections. Furthermore, some textual material recently discovered can be used to identify new personal markers, namely the 2nd person singular and plural possessive pronouns and the 2nd person singular subject pronoun.
[^2]: Hintze, “Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,” pp. 6387. Nevertheless, he regards the 2nd person plural as an address to the visitors of the tomb. The interpretation of Inge Hofmann in her *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* p. 194, according to which the prayer is addressed to the gods of the afterlife, is much more convincing. See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163166, for a detailed review of the numerous hypotheses that were advanced since the decipherment of the scripts.
[^2]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 6387. Nevertheless, he regards the 2nd person plural as an address to the visitors of the tomb. The interpretation of Inge Hofmann in her *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik,* p. 194, according to which the prayer is addressed to the gods of the afterlife, is much more convincing. See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 163166, for a detailed review of the numerous hypotheses that were advanced since the decipherment of the scripts.
# Preliminary Remarks about the Conventions of the Meroitic Writing System {#i}
@ -84,7 +84,7 @@ In the paradigm of personal pronouns, the 3rd person has a special place. Wherea
The pronoun *qo* was among the first elements that Griffith singled out in the funerary inscriptions after his decipherment of the script.[^x5] The word occurred in final position in the “nomination” of the deceased, either bare (1) or followed by an optional particle *-wi* “for emphasis” (2).[^11] Quite often, another *qo* preceded the name of the deceased (3). Griffith suggested that this first *qo* was an epithet meaning “honorable” or “noble” and the final *qo* was a grammatical tool “to introduce the name of the deceased.” In his *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* Hintze was the first to regard *qo* as a demonstrative pronoun.[^x505] According to him, the original form of this word was *qe* and the predicative compound *qo(wi)* was composed of *qe* + copula *-o* ± particle *-wi.* Actually, *qe* is a variant spelling of *qo* and the two forms were pronounced /ku/,[^12] so that *qo(wi)* can be analysed also as *qo* + copula *-o* ± particle *-wi* with a merger of the two consecutive *o*s. The additional *qo* at the beginning (3), found in 10% of the epitaphs, is used as a topic “this one, this is….”[^13] It emphasizes the deixis that connects the inscription and the deceased, since these texts were inscribed on offering-tables or stelae that were placed at the entrance and inside the funerary chapels respectively.
[^x5]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* p. 120.
[^x505]: Hintze, “Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,” pp. 53-56.
[^x505]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 53-56.
[^11]: The function of this particle is not yet identified (Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* pp. 386-387).
[^12]: The frequent variants *qe/qo* here and in other words (for example *Aqedise/Aqodise* “Moon-god” in the texts from the Lion temple in Naga) is best explained by the labialized articulation /kʷ/ of the sign *q*: see Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* pp. 374-379.
[^13]: See Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 547. The literal translation “this one, this is...,” which is used above, is somewhat unnatural in English. In spoken French, the topicalization of the subject is overwhelmingly frequent and sentences such as *celui-ci, cest…* or even *ça, cest…,* literally “this, this is” are very common.
@ -197,7 +197,7 @@ Meroitic is an agglutinative language, but it has a strong propensity to assimil
[^22]: See Comrie, *Language Universals and Linguistic Typology,* pp. 43-19 for an updated interpretation of this old classification of languages.
[^23]: Griffith, *Karanòg,* p. 14 and n. 1, pp. 25-26, 45.
[^24]: Hintze, “Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,” pp. 65-66, 73-74.
[^24]: Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* pp. 65-66, 73-74.
[^25]: The form *-x* (= /xa/ or /ŋa/) and *-bx* (= /baxa/ or /baŋa/) are early. They later became *-xe* (= /x/ or /ŋ/) and *-bxe* (= /bax/ or /baŋ/). It is noted that the sign transliterated *e* can have a zero-vowel value (see [3](#i) for the principles of the Meroitic script).
[^26]: The suffixes *-xe* and *-bxe* end with the consonant /x/, which assimilated to the subsequent suffix *-ke.* However, similar assimilation is rare with the plural suffix *-bxe.* In early texts, the suffixes were *-x* and *-bx,* with default vowel /a/. This final vowel explains why there was no assimilation with the following suffix.
@ -319,11 +319,11 @@ In Old Nubian and Nobiin, this suffix is *-(i)j.* A related marker *-j-* is foun
It is noteworthy that, unlike in the Ama examples above, the plural marking operated by the suffix *-(i)j* is redundant, since plurality is already marked by the subject pronoun *ter* “they” in (23) and the plural nominal suffix *-guu* in (25). In Ama, apart from rare instances of replacive patterns such as *wīd̪ɛ́ŋ* “child”/*dŕīŋ* “children," and a plural suffix *-gí/-ŋì* which can be attached to kinship terms, plurality in unmarked in nouns. This makes it necessary, either to mark it by determiners (“several,” “many”, etc.) or to encode it in the verb by a specific marker, as showed in (20b) and (21b) above.
Considering that the nominal plural suffixes that can be found in the NES languages are so diverse that no protoform can be reconstructed, it is plausible that Proto-NES had no plural nominal markers, but only a few replacive patterns and collective nouns with singulatives forms marked by a suffix *\*-tV*.[^x15] It was therefore necessary to mark the plurals of the participants in the verbal compound. Proto-Nubian seems to have been in this regard close to its ancestor Proto-NES.[^x16] Later on, for unknown reasons but areal influence probably played a major role in it each Nubian group worked out its own plural markers for all the nouns. This novelty of course competed with the earlier plural marking by verbal suffixes. However, both of them survived to this day, but they often follow economy principles. Khidir notes that “the *j*-suffix appears sporadically in the intransitive clause” and that “In the transitive clause […], when the object noun phrase is modified by a numeral or a quantifier such as *mallee* [many] or *minkellee* [how many], the plural marker on the object noun phrase becomes optional and subsequently the suffixation of *-j* becomes optional, too."[^x17]
Considering that the nominal plural suffixes that can be found in the NES languages are so diverse that no protoform can be reconstructed, it is plausible that Proto-NES had no plural nominal markers, but only a few replacive patterns and collective nouns with singulatives forms marked by a suffix *\*-tV*.[^x15] It was therefore necessary to mark the plurals of the participants in the verbal compound. Proto-Nubian seems to have been in this regard close to its ancestor Proto-NES.[^x16] Later on, for unknown reasons but areal influence probably played a major role in it each Nubian group worked out its own plural markers for all the nouns. This novelty of course competed with the earlier plural marking by verbal suffixes. However, both of them survived to this day, but they often follow economy principles. Khalil notes that “the *j*-suffix appears sporadically in the intransitive clause” and that “In the transitive clause […], when the object noun phrase is modified by a numeral or a quantifier such as *mallee* [many] or *minkellee* [how many], the plural marker on the object noun phrase becomes optional and subsequently the suffixation of *-j* becomes optional, too."[^x17]
[^x15]: Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 350.
[^x16]: Ibid., 272.
[^x17]: Khidir 2015: 6465
[^x17]: Khalil, “The Verbal Plural Marker in Nobiin,” pp. 6465.
A third use of verbal plural markers in NES languages is to encode in ditransitive verbs the plurality of the indirect object, i.e., the beneficiary or recipient of the action. In this construction, the plural verbal suffix refers to the indirect object and not to the object in Old Nubian[^x50] and Nobiin[^32] and probably in Ama. For the latter language, I have unfortunately no clear example of this point in my limited fieldwork data, but an example provided by Norton illustrates this point for dual, which operates exactly like plural, but with the suffix *-ɛ̄n/-ēn* (the macron stands for middle tone here).[^x51]
@ -672,7 +672,7 @@ The second difficulty is that a homonymous prefix *ye-* is attested in verbal co
The most plausible solution would be to regard *ye-* and *p(V)s(V)-* as causative verbs, such as “make” or “have” in English. In the case of *p(V)s(V)-,* a possible cognate could be Old Nubian ⲡⲉⲥ- “tell, speak, say.” The gods of the underworld could in this case could be invited, literally, to “tell” that the deceased eat and drink, that is, to make them eat and drink. As for the alternative verb *ye-* in these passages, it could be linked with Old Nubian ⲉⲓ- and Nobiin *ií-* “say,” especially because *ye-* has a variant *yi-* which is three times more frequent in funerary texts.[^67] This solution may be semantically acceptable, but it faces a major obstacle: Meroitic, like all the NES languages, is a head-final language, in which the verb is placed at the end of sentences and the auxiliary is expected to occur after the verb. In addition, the absence of TAM markers after *p(V)s(V)-,* and *ye-/yi-* points to a serial verb construction, where only the last verb is inflected for TAM. However, this is cross-linguistically attested only for consecutive verbs that share a common subject.[^68] For all these reasons, the verbal compound of the funerary benedictions requires further study. Nevertheless, the element *ye-* in these benedictions has nothing to do with the prefix *ye-* we found in the royal texts. It is just a further instance of the many homonymous morphemes that are attested in Meroitic.
[^67]: The frequency of *yi-* is 6,2% according to Schenkel, “Zur Struktur des Verbalkomplexes in den Schlußformel der meroitischen Totentexte," p. 8. For Nobiin *ií-*, more commonly used with a causative suffix in the compound *ií-gìr,* see Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 356. Note that “say” is frequently used as a light verb (but not as a causative auxiliary) in the languages of Sudan, regardless of the linguistic family. For Andaandi, see El-Guzuuli, "The Uses and Orthography of the Verb 'Say' in Andaandi"; for Ama, see Stevenson *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* p. 147 [CHECK] and Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 210; for Beja, see Vanhove, *Le bedja,* 146-14.
[^67]: The frequency of *yi-* is 6,2% according to Schenkel, “Zur Struktur des Verbalkomplexes in den Schlußformel der meroitischen Totentexte," p. 8. For Nobiin *ií-*, more commonly used with a causative suffix in the compound *ií-gìr,* see Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 356. Note that “say” is frequently used as a light verb (but not as a causative auxiliary) in the languages of Sudan, regardless of the linguistic family. For Andaandi, see El-Guzuuli, "The Uses and Orthography of the Verb 'Say' in Andaandi"; for Ama, see Stevenson *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* p. 147 (my copy of the manuscript, an annotated version transmitted by Roger Blench, has the light verb *she* on pp. 146146a and 147. Page 146a is handwritten and the page numbers on p. 147 and 148 have been corrected manually) and Rilly, *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique,* p. 210; for Beja, see Vanhove, *Le bedja,* 146-14.
[^68]: See Haspelmath, "The Serial Verb Construction," esp. pp. 409-411 (with possible exception in ex. 31, where two different subjects are found).
Finally, another element *ye-* is attested in several kinship noun phrases, also in funerary inscriptions. The “filiation” part of these texts specifies the mother and father of the deceased, who is said to be “the person born of X” and “the person begotten by Y.” In the major part of the inscriptions, these two compounds are *te-dxe-l* (or *t-dxe-l*) and *t-erike-l.* They include a prefixed element *t(e)-,* the participles *dxe* “born” and *erike* “begotten,” and the final article, which has a nominalizing role. Several texts include a variant with a first element *y(e)-,* namely *ye-dxe-l* and *y-erike-l.* The forms including *y(e)-* and *t(e)-* can even be found together in the same inscription, giving a further example of the aforementioned *varietas* sought by Meroitic scribes. Another kinship term, *yetmde* “younger in the maternal line, i.e., nephew/niece,” may provide the key to the element *ye-* in filiation clauses. It includes the word *mde* which refers to the mothers family in this matrilineal society. The first element is *yet-* (pronounced /eta/ or /eda/), but has many variants: *yete, yed, yen* (with assimilation before ­*mde*). The elements *te-* and *ye-* in filiation are probably two eroded forms of *yet-,* which can be compared with Proto-Nubian *\*id,* Proto-Taman *\*at* “person,” and Nara *eítá* “body.”[^x33]. “The person born” and “the person begotten” are therefore accurate translations of *ye-dxe* and *y-erike*. The element *ye-* in these contexts is therefore originally a noun and has nothing to do with the homonymous prefix found in royal inscriptions.
@ -820,7 +820,7 @@ The prefixed elements *pVsV-* or *yi-,* which obviously have a causative value b
[^x35]: Van Gerven Oei, *A Reference Grammar of Old Nubian,* §4.2.
[^84]: In the Nubian group, for Nobiin: Werner, *Grammatik des Nobiin,* p. 145; for Andaandi: Armbruster, *Dongolese Nubian,* pp. 194-195; for Midob: Werner, *Tìdn-Áal,* pp. 58-59. In the Nara group, for Higir: Thompson, "Nera," p. 467; for Mogoreeb: Elsadig, *Major Word Categories in Nara,* 66. For Tama: Palayer's unpublished grammar, §4.3; for Sungor: Lukas, “Die Sprache der Sungor in Wadai," pp. 192, 198-199; for Mararit: El-Nazir, *Major Word Categories in Mararit,* pp. 57-58. For Ama: Stevenson, *Grammar of the Nyimang Language,* pp. 106, 110 and Stevenson, Rottland \& Jakobi, “The Verb in Nyimang and Dinik,” p. 30; for Afitti, ibid., p. 33. In all these languages, the singular imperative is generally the simple stem of the verb. However, a suffix *-i* is found for some verbs in Nubian, Taman, and Nyima. Suppletive forms for basic verbs are attested in Nara, Taman, and Nyima.
[^85]: The particle *-se* may have an emphatic role, such as *donc* in French *dis-moi donc!* or the use of the auxiliary *do* in the English counterpart *do tell me!.* The resulting verbal compound is *pVsV-k(e)-te-se,* often reduced to *pVsV-k(e)-se* with regressive assimilation (see (40) above); cf. Hintze, “Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,” p. 75 and Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 563.
[^85]: The particle *-se* may have an emphatic role, such as *donc* in French *dis-moi donc!* or the use of the auxiliary *do* in the English counterpart *do tell me!.* The resulting verbal compound is *pVsV-k(e)-te-se,* often reduced to *pVsV-k(e)-se* with regressive assimilation (see (40) above); cf. Hintze, *Beiträge zur meroitischen Grammatik,* p. 75 and Rilly, *La langue du Royaume de Méroé,* p. 563.
The imperative proper, in all likelihood, is the verbal form devoid of TAM markers which is used instead of the optative in several funerary texts. As shown in the following examples, it occurs either in one or two of the three main benedictions A, B, and C (a further example of *varietas*), or in all of them. Example (58) is drawn from REM 0369, an offering table from Shablul engraved for a single deceased. Example (59) is cited from a stela found in the same cemetery, REM 0381, and engraved for two persons, hence the plural verbal marker at the end of verbal compounds.[^86]
@ -1106,47 +1106,179 @@ In conclusion, a general table of the personal markers that have been identified
# Abbreviations
* […]: signs missing
* [x]: signs reconstructed
* : (colon): Meroitic word divider
* 1, 2, 3 : 1st, 2nd, 3rd person marker
* acc: accusative
* adj: adjective
* asp: aspect marker
* app: applicative voice
* cop: copula
* cont: continuous (tense)
* dat: dative
* dec: declarative
* det: determiner
* disc: discursive (direct discourse marker)
* du: dual
* emp: so-called “emphatic particle” after the copula in Meroitic (*-wi*)
* caus: causative
* *FHN*: *Fontes Historiae Nubiorum*
* fin: final element
* frq: frequentative
* fut: future tense
* gen: genitive (genitival postposition)
* imp : imperative
* impp: imperative particle (*-se*)
* ipa: international phonetic alphabet
* ipfv: imperfective
* loc: locative
* n: noun
* o: object
* obj: objective (= accusative/dative) marker
* opt: optative
* pl: plural
* plc: pluractional
* prt1: preterite 1
* pm: personal marker
* pn: person name
* purp: purposive
* REM: *Répertoire dépigraphie méroïtique* (Leclant et al., 2000).
* s: subject
* sg: singular
* tam: tense, aspect, and mood markers
* ver: veridical
* vnm: verbal number marker
* voc: vocative suffix
* vc: verbal compound
* [*x*]: signs reconstructed
* *:* (colon): Meroitic word divider
* 1, 2, 3: 1st, 2nd, 3rd person marker
* [acc]({sc}): accusative
* [adj]({sc}): adjective
* [asp]({sc}): aspect marker
* [app]({sc}): applicative voice
* [cop]({sc}): copula
* [cont]({sc}): continuous (tense)
* [dat]({sc}): dative
* [dec]({sc}): declarative
* [det]({sc}): determiner
* [disc]({sc}): discursive (direct discourse marker)
* [du]({sc}): dual
* [emp]({sc}): so-called “emphatic particle” after the copula in Meroitic (*-wi*)
* [caus]({sc}): causative
* *FHN*: Eide et al., eds., *Fontes Historiae Nubiorum*
* [fin]({sc}): final element
* [frq]({sc}): frequentative
* [fut]({sc}): future tense
* [gen]({sc}): genitive (genitival postposition)
* [imp]({sc}): imperative
* [impp]({sc}): imperative particle (*-se*)
* IPA: International Phonetic Alphabet
* [ipfv]({sc}): imperfective
* [loc]({sc}): locative
* [n]({sc}): noun
* [o]({sc}): object
* [obj]({sc}): objective (= accusative/dative) marker
* [opt]({sc}): optative
* [pl]({sc}): plural
* [plc]({sc}): pluractional
* [prt1]({sc}): preterite 1
* [pm]({sc}): personal marker
* [pn]({sc}): person name
* [purp]({sc}): purposive
* REM: *Répertoire dépigraphie méroïtique*
* [s]({sc}): subject
* [sg]({sc}): singular
* [tam]({sc}): tense, aspect, and mood markers
* [ver]({sc}): veridical
* [vnm]({sc}): verbal number marker
* [voc]({sc}): vocative suffix
* [vc]({sc}): verbal compound
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@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
---
title: "Restoring “Nile-Nubian”: How To Balance Lexicostatistics and Etymology in Historical Research on Nubian Languages"
authors: ["georgestarostin.md"]
abstract: " "
abstract: "please provide an abstract"
keywords: ["comparative linguistics", "Nilo-Saharan", "glottochronology", "lexicostatistics", "Nubian"]
---
@ -317,3 +317,63 @@ Additionally, Nobiin *múg* “dog” is similar to East Nilotic *\*-ŋɔk-*[^27
In any case, the main point of this paper is not so much to shed light on the origin of substrate elements in Nobiin as it is to show that pure lexicostatistics, when applied to complex cases of language relationship, may reveal anomalies that can only be resolved by means of a careful etymological analysis of the accumulated evidence. It is entirely possible that advanced character-based phylogenetic methods might offer additional insight into this problem, but ultimately it all comes down to resolving the problem by means of manual searching for cognates, albeit without forgetting about statistical grounding of the conclusions.
In this particular case, I believe that the evidence speaks strongly in favor of reinstating the Nile-Nubian clade comprising both Nobiin and Kenuzi-Dongolawi, although it must be kept in mind that a common linguistic ancestor and a common ethnic ancestor are not necessarily the same thing (e.g., the linguistic conclusion does not at all exclude the possibility that early speakers of Kenuzi-Dongolawi did shift to Proto-Nile-Nubian from some other language — not necessarily Nubian in origin itself).
# Bibliography
Armbruster, Charles H. *Dongolese Nubian: A Lexicon.* Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965.
Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne. "Nile-Nubianʼ Recon­sidered." In *Topics in Nilo-Saharan Linguistics,* edited by M. Lio­nel Be­n­der. Ham­burg: Helmut Buske, 1989: pp. 8596.
Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne. "Sprachliche und his­torische Rekonstruktionen im Bereich des Nubischen unter beson­de­rer Berücksichtigung des Nilnubischen." *Sprache und Geschichte in Afrik* 6 (1985): pp. 7134.
Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne. *Sprachwandel durch Sprachkontakt am Beispiel des Nubischen im Niltal: Möglichkeiten und Grenzen einer diachronen Soziolinguistik.* Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 1996.
Bechhaus-Gerst, Marianne. *The (Hi)story of Nobiin: 1000 Years of Language Change.* Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011.
Bell, Herman. "Documentary Evidence on the Haraza Nubian Language." *Su­dan Notes and Re­cords* 56 (1975): pp. 135.
Browne, Gerald M. *Old Nubian Dictionary.* Leuven: Pee­ters, 1996.
Greenberg, Joseph H. *The Languages of Africa.* Bloo­mington: Indiana University Press, 1966.
Güldemann, Tom. "Historical Linguistics and Genealogical Language Classification in Africa." In *The Languages and Linguistics of Africa,* edited by Tom Güldemann. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 2018: pp. 58444.
Heine, Bernd & Tania Kuteva. "Convergence and Divergence in the Development of African Languages." In *Areal Diffusion and Genetic Inheritance: Problems in Comparative Linguistics,* edited by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald and R.M.W. Dixon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001: pp. 393411.
Hofmann, Inge. *Material für eine meroitische Grammatik.* Veröffentlichungen der Institute für Afrikanistik und Ägyptologie der Universität Wien 16. Vienna: Afro-Pub, 1981.
Hofmann, Inge. *Nubisches Wörterverzeichnis: Nu­bisch-­deutsches und deutsch-nubisches Wörterverzeichnis nach dem Kenzi-Ma­te­ri­al des Samuêl Alî Hisên (18631927).* Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1986.
Jakobi, Angelika. "The Loss of Syllable-final Proto-Nu­bian Consonants". In *Insights into Nilo-Saharan Language, History and Cul­ture,* edited by Al-Amin Abu-Manga, Leoma Gilley & Anne Storch. Cologne: Rüdi­ger Köppe, 2006: pp. 215228.
Kassian, Alexei. "Towards a Formal Genealogical Classification of the Lezgian Languages (North Caucasus): Testing Various Phylogenetic Methods on Lexical Data." *PLoS ONE* 10, no. 2 (2015). [doi]({sc}): [10.1371/journal.pone.0116950](https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0116950).
Kauczor, P. Daniel. *Die Bergnubische Sprache (Dialekt von Ge­bel Deleṅ).* Vienna: Alfred Hölder, 1920.
Khalil, Mokhtar M. *Wörterbuch der nubischen Spra­che (Fadidja/Maḥas Dialekt).* Warsaw: Piotr O. Scholtz, 1996.
Krell, Amy. *Rapid Appraisal Sociolinguistic Survey among Ama, Karko, and Wali Language Groups (Southern Kordofan, Sudan).* SIL International, 2012.
Lepsius, Richard. *Nubische Grammatik. Mit einer Einleitung über die Völker und Sprachen Afrikas.* Berlin: Wilhelm Hertz, 1880.
Rilly, Claude. "Language and Ethnicity in Ancient Sudan." In *The Fourth Cataract and Beyond: Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies,* edited by Julie Renée Anderson and Derek A. Welsby. British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan, 2014: pp. 11691188.
Rilly, Claude. *Le méroïtique et sa famille linguistique.* Leuven: Peeters, 2010.
Rottland, Franz. *Die Südnilotischen Sprachen: Be­sch­rei­­bung, Vergleichung und Rekonstruktion.* Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1982.
Souag, Lameen. *Grammatical Contact in the Sahara: Arabic, Berber, and Songhay in Tabelbala and Siwa.* PhD Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2010.
Starostin, George. *Языки Африки. Опыт построения лексикостатистической классификации. Том II: Восточносуданские языки* [*Languages of Africa: An Attempt at a Lexicostatistical Classification, Vol. II: East Sudanic Languages*]. Moscow: Jazyki slavjanskoj kulʼtury, 2014.
Thelwall, Robin. "A Birgid Vocabulary List and Its Links with Daju." In *Gedenkschrift Gustav Nachtigall 18741974,* edited by Herbert Gansl­mayr and Hermann Jungraithmayr. Bremen: Übersee-Museum, 1977: pp. 197210.
Thelwall, Robin. “Lexicostatistical Relations between Nubian, Daju and Dinka.” In *Etudes Nubiennes, Colloque de Chantilly, 2-6 Juillet 1975,* edited by Jean Leclant and Jean Vercouttier. Cairo: IFAO, 1978: pp. 265-286.
Vasilyev, Mikhail & George Starostin. "Лексикостатистическая классификация нубийских языков: к вопросу о нильско-нубийской языковой общности [Lexicostatistical Classification of the Nubian languages and the Issue of the Nile-Nubian Genetic Unity]." *Journal of Language Relationship* 12 (2014): 5172.
Voßen, Rainer. *The Eastern Nilotes: Linguistic and His­to­ri­cal Reconstructions.* Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1982.
Werner, Roland. *Grammatik des Nobiin (Nilnubisch). Pho­no­logie, Tonologie und Morphologie.* Hamburg: Helmut Buske, 1987.
Werner, Roland. *Tìdn-áal: A Study of Midob (Darfur Nu­bian).* Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1993.

@ -1,38 +0,0 @@
---
title: "A Brief History of Northern East Sudanic Linguistics"
authors: ["vincentwjvangervenoei.md"]
abstract: ""
keywords: [""]
---
# The First Hints
# An Orphaned Family
Nilo-Saharan first proposed in Greenberg 1963: 130148
Details remain a matter of debate, Dimmendaal 2008: 84344
Nilo Saharan is not broadly recognized as a linguistic unity
# Issues
## The Position of Nobiin
Nobiin separate:
Thelwall 1982, BG 1984, 1989, 1996
Nobiin in Nile Nubian:
Rilly 2010, 274278 and Starostin 2017, 2020, this issue
## The Inclusion of Meroitic
History of discussion on Meroitic language family pertinence
## The Inclusion of Nyima
Ehret 2001, 88 excludes Nyima from "Astaboran"
Bender 1997, 30 (Ek) and Rilly 2010, 158 include it
# The Development of Northern East Sudanic
take from lecture at PCMA Cairo

@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
---
title: "Dotawo 7: Comparative Northern East Sudanic Linguistics"
author: "Vincent W.J. van Gerven Oei"
has_articles: ["rilly.md", "jakobi.md", "norton.md", "starostin.md", "blench.md"]
has_articles: ["rilly.md", "norton.md", "jakobi.md", "starostin.md", "blench.md"]
---
# Preface by the Editor
@ -45,7 +45,35 @@ We strongly believe that it is in the interest of Nubian Studies and its stakeho
The seventh issue of *Dotawo* is dedicated to Comparative Northern East Sudanic linguistics, offering new insights in the historical connections between the Nubian languages and other members of the NES family such as Nyimang, Tama, Nara, and Meroitic. A special focus is placed on comparative morphology.
[discuss individual contributions]
### An Orphaned Family
Nilo-Saharan first proposed in Greenberg 1963: 130148
Details remain a matter of debate, Dimmendaal 2008: 84344
Nilo Saharan is not broadly recognized as a linguistic unity
### Issues
#### The Position of Nobiin
Nobiin separate:
Thelwall 1982, BG 1984, 1989, 1996
Nobiin in Nile Nubian:
Rilly 2010, 274278 and Starostin 2017, 2020, this issue
#### The Inclusion of Meroitic
History of discussion on Meroitic language family pertinence
#### The Inclusion of Nyima
Ehret 2001, 88 excludes Nyima from "Astaboran"
Bender 1997, 30 (Ek) and Rilly 2010, 158 include it
#### The Development of Northern East Sudanic
take from lecture at PCMA Cairo
# Bibliography

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