@ -2076,7 +2076,7 @@ Tucker & Bryan identify a *‑Vda*-suffix which expresses “plural action.”[^
Werner, in turn, recognizes this suffix as *‑íd,* ending in an alveolar [d].[^281] His examples suggest that the final *‑a* on *‑Vda* is not part of this suffix. Similarly to Tucker & Bryan, he describes this suffix as expressing “plurality of action.”[^282]
[^281]: Thewall, “Midob Nubian,” p. 100, asserts that “t, d, n are alveolar.”
[^281]: Thelwall, “Meidob Nubian,” p. 100, asserts that “t, d, n are alveolar.”
[^282]: Werner, *Tìdn-áal,* p. 52.
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@ -2346,7 +2346,7 @@ Noonan, Michael. “Genetic Classification and Language Contact.” In *Handbook
Pointner, Lena. “Verbal Number in Tabaq.” In *Nuba Mountain Language Studies: New Insights,* edited by Gertrud Schneider-Blum, Birgit Hellwig & Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2018: pp. 77–97.
Rapold, C.J. “Defining Converbs Ten Years On – A Hitchhikers’ Guide.” In *Converbs, Medial Verbs, Clause chaining, and Related Issues,* edited by S. Völlmin, A. Amha, C.J. Rapold & S. Zaugg-Coretti. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag: pp. 7-30.
Rapold, Christian J. “Defining Converbs Ten Years On – A Hitchhikers’ Guide.” In *Converbs, Medial Verbs, Clause Chaining and Related Issues,* edited by S. Völlmin, A. Amha, C.J. Rapold & S. Zaugg-Coretti. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag: pp. 7-30.
Reinisch, Leo. *Die Nuba-Sprache*. 2 vols. Vienna: Wilhelm Braumüller, 1879.
@ -2372,7 +2372,7 @@ Stevenson, Roland, Franz Rottland & Angelika Jakobi. “The Verb in Nyimang and
Thelwall, Robin. “Lexicostatistical Relations between Nubian, Daju and Dinka.” In *Etudes Nubiennes, Colloque de Chantilly, 2-6 Juillet 1975,* edited by Jean Leclant and Jean Vercouttier. Cairo: IFAO, 1978: pp. 265-286.
Thelwall, Robin. “Midob Nubian: Phonology, Grammatical Notes, and Basic Vocabulary.” In *Nilo-Saharan Language Studies,* edited by M. Lionel Bender. East Lansing: African Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1983: pp. 97–113.
Thelwall, Robin. “Meidob Nubian: Phonology, Grammatical Notes and Basic Vocabulary.” In *Nilo-Saharan Language Studies,* edited by M. Lionel Bender. East Lansing: African Studies Center, Michigan State University, 1983: pp. 97–113.
Tucker, A.N. & M.A. Bryan. *Linguistic Analyses: The Non-Bantu Languages of North-Eastern Africa.* London: Oxford University Press, 1966.
@ -551,7 +551,7 @@ Hyman, Larry, and Imelda Udoh. “Progressive Formation in Leggbo.” In *Global
Jakobi, Angelika. *Kordofan Nubian: A Synchronic and Diachronic Study.* Unpublished manuscript, 2013.
Kröger, Oliver. “Typology Put to Practical Use: A Participatory Approach to Initial Grammar Research.” In *Proceedings of the 6th World Congress of African Linguistics, Cologne 17-21 August 2009,* edited by Matthias Brenzinger and Anne-Marie Fehn. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2012.
Kröger, Oliver. “Typology Put to Practical Use: A Participatory Approach to Initial Grammar Research.” In *Proceedings of the 6th World Congress of African Linguistics, Cologne 17-21 August 2009,* edited by Matthias Brenzinger and Anne-Marie Fehn. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2012: pp. 155–168.
Laca, Brenda. “Progressives, Pluractionals and the Domains of Aspect.” In *Domaines, Journées d’Études linguistiques.* Nantes: Université de Nantes, 2004: pp. 87-92.
@ -499,9 +499,8 @@ It is nevertheless unclear whether the Old Nubian and Nobiin verbal plural marke
Like *-(i)j* in Old Nubian and Nobiin, the verbal plural marker *-b* was once used for plurality of events or plurality of object. The name of the Napatan king Amaninatakilebte,[^42] who ruled during the second half of the 6th century BCE, does not make sense if the suffix *-b* marks the plurality of object. It would mean “Amun, give them strength,” with no clue as to who these multiple beneficiaries could be. Actually, the suffix marked the plurality of events and emphasised the repetition of the gift: “give again and again,” “give continuously,” or “keep giving”.[^43]
[^42]: For this ruler, see *FHN* II, pp.293–296. The name is known in Egyptian transcription only (first line of (38)), since the Meroitic script was invented only three centuries later.
[^43]: In the inscriptions of the temple of Apedemak in Naga, the verbal form *lbxte* “give them” is attested in REM 0003, where the beneficiary is the sole queen and in REM 0004, where it is the king alone. In her publication of these texts, Karola Zibelius explains this plural form as an iterative.[^x29] However, at this time (mid-1st c. CE), the verbal plural suffix *-bx* was already specialized to exclusively mark the object plurality. It never occurs in benedictions involving a single person, where only *lxte* is used at least since the 2nd c. BCE (REM 1044A, REM 1151). The plural marker in REM 0003 and 0004 refers to the three members of the royal family, who constitute an indissoluble trinity, even when the queen and the king are figured alone (cf. ex. 31 above).
[^43]: In the inscriptions of the temple of Apedemak in Naga, the verbal form *lbxte* “give them” is attested in REM 0003, where the beneficiary is the sole queen and in REM 0004, where it is the king alone. In her publication of these texts, Karola Zibelius (*Die Löwentempel van Naq‘a in der Butana (Sudan) IV,* pp. 45-52) explains this plural form as an iterative. However, at this time (mid-1st c. CE), the verbal plural suffix *-bx* was already specialized to exclusively mark the object plurality. It never occurs in benedictions involving a single person, where only *lxte* is used at least since the 2nd c. BCE (REM 1044A, REM 1151). The plural marker in REM 0003 and 0004 refers to the three members of the royal family, who constitute an indissoluble trinity, even when the queen and the king are figured alone (cf. ex. 31 above).
vincentwj
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