@ -680,7 +680,7 @@ A feature of East Sudanic, and indeed Nilo-Saharan more generally, is extensive
**Table 33** shows the presence or absence of individual affixes in each branch, together with affix-stacking and gemination, as well as the table which supports this analysis.
@ -743,21 +743,21 @@ In conclusion, East Sudanic is characterized by a series of affixes, which have
# Bibliography
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Alamin Mubarak, Suzan.  In *Insights into Nilo-Saharan Language, History and Culture: Proceedings of the 9th Nilo-Saharan Linguistics Colloquium, Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum, 16–19 February 2004,* edited by Al-Amin Abu-Manga, Leoma Gilley & Anne Storch. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 2006: pp. 9–24.
Aviles, Arthur J. ** MA Thesis, University of North Dakota at Grand Forks, 2008.
Bell, Herman.  *Sudan Notes and Records* 7 (1975): pp. 1–36.
Bender, Lionel M. *Comparative Omotic Lexicon.* Carbondale: SIU, 2003.
Bender, M. Lionel. *Comparative Omotic Lexicon.* Carbondale: SIU, 2003.
Bender, M. Lionel. “Genetic Subgrouping of East Sudanic.” *Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere* 45 (1996): pp. 139–150.
Bender, M. Lionel  *Africa and Ubersee* 66, no. 2 (1983): pp. 259–297.
Bender, M. Lionel.  *Africa and Ubersee* 66, no. 2 (1983): pp. 259–297.
Bender, M. Lionel. “Roland Stevenson’s Nyimang and Dinik Lexicon.” *Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere* 63 (2000): pp. 103–120.
Bender, M. Lionel.  In *"Mehr als nur Worte…": Afrikanistische Beiträge zum 65. Geburtstag von Franz Rottland,* edited by R. Voßen, A. Mietzner, and A. Meißner. Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2000: pp. 89–119.
Bender, M. Lionel.  In *"Mehr als nur Worte…”: Afrikanistische Beiträge zum 65. Geburtstag von Franz Rottland,* edited by R. Voßen, A. Mietzner, and A. Meißner. Cologne: Rudiger Köppe, 2000: pp. 89–119.
Bender, M. Lionel.  *Afrika und Übersee* 80 (1997): pp. 189–215.
@ -357,9 +357,13 @@ In terms of its valency-increasing function, Midob *‑(i)r* is comparable to th
As suggested by the voiced or voiceless velar stop, [g] or [k] and the close phonological similarity among the causative morphemes displayed in **Table 5**, all Nubian languages considered in this paper have retained a reflex of the causative extension *\*-(i)gir.* Presumably this extension originated from the lexical verb *kir* “make” which, due to grammaticalization, emerged as a valency-increasing auxiliary-like verb in a converb construction (attested in Nobiin), and finally as a causative derivational suffix on verbs. In the Kordofan Nubian languages and Midob *\*-(i)gir* is re-analyzed as a complex morpheme. In Dilling and Tagle it has split up into two extensions which are sensitive to a singular and a plural object, respectively.
